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Contemporary Conflicts In Africa And Its Implications For Socio- Economic Development In The Continent 


Uzorka, Michael C. Department of Social Studies, Faculty of Social Studies, Ignatius Ajuru University of Education, Rumuolumeni, Port Harcourt 

Nwankwo Clement Department of Sociology, University Of Port Harcourt, Choba, Port Harcourt. 


In the last two decades, the African continent has been plagued by intra-state conflicts. Ethnic and religious clashes were common in most countries in the sub-region, with some escalating to full scale civil wars resulting to death, destruction and despair to the citizenry. Based on this antecedent, the study examined how conflicts has affected African continent interms of socio-economic, political and cultural development. In addition, the study also identified factors responsible to the African continent backwardness in terms of achieving even development despite various natural and human resources endowment. In conclusion, the study emphasized that, to promote development in African, there must be peace, not just peace as defined by “the absence of war” but as an atmosphere of tolerance, harmonious co-existence and mutual development; an atmosphere where people are not only aware of their differences but are also understanding and willing to live and work together. 

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However, recommendations were made towards ameliorating conflicts in Africa. 


The 1980s was a period when the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) was introduced in Africa. After the Cold War which practically ended in 1990, a spare of conflicts, largely ethic and intrastate, ravaged One African Country to another. Apart from being largely intrastate, a major development in these conflicts were the militarization of the conflicts through the use of small arms and light weapons, the involvement of child soldiers and the struggle for the control of mineral resources (Oche, 2003: 165). 

Presently, there is a plethora of views on the nature and cases of ethnic conflicts in Nigeria and Africa in general. In Africa, the spread of mighty wave of tensions and conflicts, and indeed civil wars, is already threatening the survival of some states. Several complex crises are currently manifesting themselves in ethnic, political and religious forms. The ethnic conflicts threatening the stability of numerous countries today are not just a reflection of traditional sentiments that stubbornly refused to die, but stems in part from the success of modernization, which has equipped ethnic communities with new political resources and aspirations (Albert, 2001). 

Countries like Ethiopia, Sudan, Liberia, Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, and Cote d’Ivoire among others have suffered greatly from widespread intense internal conflicts. These conflicts exploded the myth of national solidarity, undermining the social fabric of these nations and destroying their fragile economies. The end of the Cold War paved the way for dramatic change in the world. A world hitherto driven by the divisions of ideology was to be integrated by markets and technology (UNDP, 1999: 101). Structural adjustment and the logic of the market, debt crisis and marginalization have all been intensified by the globalization process and are also indicators of the process. They have all 

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“down-sized the role of the state in economic management” (Nabudere 2000: 35), thus undermining the capacity of the state for social provisioning. However, the role of the state is often defined in developmental terms. Consequently, the interplay of economic crises, social upheaval and political instability exposed the inadequacies of African State and exacerbated the economic condition of the people who fall further into deprivation and desperation. In this situation, social and political misunderstandings quickly degenerate into conflicts (Alli, 2006: 30). 

Oche (2003: 165) has argued that these conflicts could be explained by K.J. Holti’s “weak state thesis.” According to this thesis, weak states display a low level or absence of vertical legitimacy in that substantial portions of the society failed to display any loyalty to the rulers; the personification of the state demonstrated by the use of the apparatus of state for personal gain, and the absence of horizontal legitimacy or a feeling of community and a common conception of the state. 

But we should look for more explanations in the economic sphere. There is no doubt that the dramatic changes in the economic sphere, which Elbadawi and Hegre (2003) have called “economic shock”, have fuelled tension and greater concern for access to resources. Hence the heightened identity crisis, struggles for political power and complaints about economic and political marginalization have become very necessary for agitation for access to power and resources. 

Ake (1995) and Nabudere (2000) have argued that globalization would increase national and local inequalities and that as long as distribution of resources would remain as it is; there cannot but be an increase in inequality among and within states. Therefore, this study seeks to examine conflicts and its implications to socio-economic development in Africa. 

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Problem of the Study: 

Political instability remains a bane of African economic development and a principal source of poverty. It is obvious that there could be no appreciable progress towards socio-economic development in Africa without peace and security. It is equally obvious that peace and security will remain elusively unsustainable in Africa without economic and socio- political development. 

There have been several inter-state conflicts in the continent and armed conflicts or armed clashes between Ghana and Togo, Somalia and Ethiopia, Morocco and Algeria, Benin and Nigeria, Cameroon and Nigeria, Somalia and Kenya, Malawai and Tanzania, Chad and Libya and Egypt, Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Chad and Nigeria, Guinea-Bissau and Senegal, Mauritania and Senegal, Mali and Burkina Faso, Kenya and Uganda, and more (Dede, 1993:2). This “murderous proliferation of intrastate conflicts” has resulted in the death of millions and millions of refugees or displaced persons, and so many marginalized by repressive polices and practices. 

It is not; however, correct to assume that problems of the continent in the past 50 years have been solely the result of African leaders being unable to ensure good governance and participatory democracy. But internal and external economic and political factors coalesced to push the continent into a “Seemingly bottomless abyss of death, destruction and underdevelopment”. The colonial boundaries which various African Countries inherited were arbitrarily drawn. Most African Countries are landlocked and Africa had by far the largest number of landlocked countries in the World and the impact of this on economic development is great (Offiong, 2001: 145). African Countries were carved out without any regard to be secured and defensible, or consideration for the multitude of ethnic groups. One ethnic group could be included in three or more different countries and because the democratic practice and procedures never existed in the colonies, basic freedoms and human rights and dignity were observed more in their breach. The colonial power governed through divide and rule policy, which in fact found an infernal parallel under 

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neocolonialism. Colonial rule was highly authoritarian and was maintained by colonial police and troops or by Africans under the stern supervision of European Officers. Power was firmly in the hands of political authorities and sustained experience with the colonial state also shaped the nature of ideas handed over to African at independence, (Offiong, 2001: 145). 

The colonial administration left Africa with weak, malingered, severely distorted economies education, religion among others. These realities and others placed most of African State into a multifaceted and tenacious dependency relationship with more economically advanced states. 

Based on this, decisions, strategies, and even sovereignty of emergent Africa State would be contingent on foreign markets, industries, finance, and expertise. However, this cannot be conducive to sustain political and economic development in Africa. 

Concept of Conflict 

According to Coser (1956: 121), conflict occurs when two or more people are engaged in a struggle over values and claims to status, power and resources in which the aims of the opponents are to neutralize, injure or eliminate their rival. 

Coser went on to explain further that conflict emerges whenever one party perceives that one or more goals purposes or means of achieving a goal or preference is being threatened or hindered by the activities of one or more parties, however, parties may be seeking to expand into the same field or physical sphere, or more abstractly, into the same field of influence or behaviours. 

It has also been observe that conflict is the result of interaction and contact among people; “an avoidable concomitant of choices and decisions and an expression of the basic fact of human interdependences” Zartman, (1995: 53). Conflict may also be caused by frustration in a relationship or interaction. As Ross Stagner observed, the occurrence of aggressive behaviour always suggests 

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the existence of frustration which always leads to some form of conflict cited in (Zartman 1995: 53). 

Conflicts have become the serious challenge of our times, which perhaps explains why ethnicity is seen as the reigning concept in African studies at present. Deeper reelection shows, however, that although ethnicity is powerful, it is neither absolute nor immutable, nor is it inherently destructive. Ethnic identities are not pre-ordained: they are deliberately constructed and constantly modified. People choose to draw on ethnic sentiments when they meet their needs and expectations, are not met. Ethnicity is what remains after all else is lost – that is a deprivation of the determinants which makes the individual socially, economically and politically conscious of events (Albert, 2001). 

Political competitions and access to power in plural societies takes different forms and dimensions. Ethnic pluralism in Nigeria has more often than not been characterized by contestations and struggles for access to power and the resources of the Nation-State. Nigeria has therefore become a cake to be shared among the various nationalities, while nobody cares about the baking of the cake answerable for this cake extent may resulted to conflict. 

Conflict has been considered an obstacle to progress, political stability, economic prosperity and overall socio-economic development because of its destructive impact. Beyond these explanations, the spare of conflicts revenging Africa can be attributed to the inadequacies of the African Governments because the structures and institutions of the state have remained relatively undeveloped through the 1960s, the focus should be on building those institutions that allowed for the explanation and management of resources. (DFID: 2001). There has been too much effort on the nation-building. This is why African States have been described as retire states because they survive largely on rents from naturally occurring resources like petroleum or other mineral resources and are also 

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characterized as corrupt, repressive irresponsive to the needs of the people (Alli, 2006: 331). 

Dimension of Conflicts in Africa 

The African States thus contributes to an extent these conflicts through its greed and biased approach to the distribution of scarce resources and other patronages. A good example is Nigeria where it is argued that the government cannot be exonerated from the spate of communal and ethnic conflicts ravaging the nation because of the manner in which it manages the nation’s resources (Ibeanu, 1998: 56). 

In the 20th century, people began to argue that conflicts among ethnic groups or between members of an ethnic group and the state should be resolved in one of the two ways. Habermas have argued that the legitimacy of modern states must be based on a notion of political rights of autonomous individual subjects. According to this view, the state should not acknowledge ethnic, national or racial identity but instead enforce political and legal equity of all individuals (httpi/ group). 

Historically, during the Cold War, there were subsisting Anti- Colonial conflicts and war of national liberation. These were conflicts between the people and the Colonial Powers. The most glaring example of these was the national liberation wars in Kenya, the Mau Mau Uprising and the wars of liberation in Portuguese territories of Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea (Bissau). 

Another variant of these Cold War era conflicts were the Anti- Apartheid wars in South Africa, Namibia and the wars against the racist regime in Rhobdesia (Zimbabwe). These wars were waged largely against foreign interests all through the 1970s and, in the case of Namibia, all through the 1980s till independence in 1990. 

Again, in the 1970s, were other major conflicts we should refer to as “Cold War related conflicts”. Those were the conflicts in which both East confronted the West through proxies. An example, were the conflict 

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between Ethiopia and Somalia (1976-83) and the Angolan first civil was (1975-88) in which the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) government, backed by the Soviet Union and Cuba, confronted the National Union for the Total Liberation of Angola (NUTL) and supported by apartheid South Africa and the USA. This particularly became a symbol of the struggle against Neo-Colonial and imperialist interests on the continent. 

In the post-Cold War 1990s, however the nature of conflicts in Africa altered. (Ibueanu, 2003) identified three types of conflicts nature in Africa during this period. These are: 1) Conflict that arise as a result of struggle for political participation or 

over political space; 2) Conflict caused by the contest for access to resources; and 3) Conflicts caused by struggle over identity 

We can add a fourth type which is conflict caused by persistent attachment to territory. However, conflicts are caused by a combination of two or more of the above factors. The conflicts in Somalia, Chad, Uganda and Sudan are example of conflicts which result from the struggle for political participation and inclusion. Examples of conflicts over access to resources or distribution of resources are the conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sierra Leone, and Liberia and in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria. While identity and citizenship conflicts are typified by the many conflicts in countries like Burundi, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Cole d’Ivoire, Nigeria and Sudan. 

Identity conflicts are particularly pronounced because of the plural nature of African States. A major aspect of ethnic dynamics is the massive mobilization of identities as basis for contesting hegemonic power which is often used in igniting the members of negative ethnicity with accompanying violent conflict (Jega, 2004). Some of these ethnic conflicts, like those in Rwanda and Burundi and the Darfur region of Sudan, were often genocidal in nature. 

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Ethnic conflicts are also communal conflicts in the sense that they are conflicts usually between neighbouring communities. Many of the intra state conflicts in Africa are communal in character. There are reasons for this. As Nnoli observed: 

…a communal group is one in which primary identity prevails. Membership of the group is not attained but ascribed. Within the communal group, the individual self is defined holistically. The totality of the individual’s involvement in self is defined by the group. Examples of communal groups include family, ethnic, religious or regional groups, (Nnoli, 2003:3) 

In such groups, there is a collective sense of belonging as well as self- realization and self-affirmation within the collectivity. A shared history of achievement and of suffering is an important component of the communal situation which in turn increases the exclusiveness, feeling of uniqueness and therefore the solidarity of the group (Nnoli, 2003: 59). 

Most alarming is the observation made by Pearson, where he wrote that ‘indeed, over the past 50yrs, the most frequent settings for violent conflicts have not been wars between sovereign states, but rather internal strife tied to cultural, tribal, religious, economic resources and political space. Between 1989 and 2004, there were 118 military conflicts in the world. Of those, only 7 were between nation states and the remaining 111 occurred within a single state, a large portion of which involved ethnic conflicts… Infact ethnic conflicts were four times more likely than interstate wars (Pearson, 1990). 

Since Africa’s economic crisis deepened since 80s, there has been a proliferation of ethno-regional and religious organization and movement with pronounced political agenda all over Africa. These are associations formed largely to promote the interest of ethnic or religious groups. Examples of such movement includes the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the National Democratic Alliance in Eastern Sudan (NDAES), 

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the Congolese Liberation Movement (CLM) and the Congolese Rally for Democracy (CRD) in the DRC; Forces for the Defense of Democracy (FDD) and National Liberation Forces (NLF) in Burundi, the Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast (PMIC), Movement for Peace and Justice (MPJ), and Popular Ivorian Movement for the Great West (PIMGW) in Ivory Coast (Cote d’Ivorie); the Revolutionary United Front (RTJF) in Sierra Leone, and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda. Other such organizations in Nigeria include the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) and the Ijaw National Congress (INC) in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria, the Odu’a Peoples’ Congress (OPC) in Western Nigeria, Indigenous People Of Biafra (IPOB) in Eastern Nigeria, the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) in Northern Nigeria and the Middle Belt Forum of the minority ethnic groups in the Middle Belt of Nigeria. The Oromo People Liberation Front in Ethiopia is yet another example. 

These associations make claims that have far-reaching implications for the state. These claims and demands includes those for more equitable distribution and sharing of political power and economic resources and sometimes as a demand for the reconfiguration of the state as being demanded by IPOB in Nigeria and the MPJ in Ivory Coast. In most cases, these demands are pursued and promoted by well-armed militias in a manner that inevitably leads to violent conflicts. 

As we noted above, the end of the Cold War in 1989 has led to an escalation in conflicts not only in Africa but all over the world. But the situation in Africa has been particularly bad because the end of the Cold War was accompanied by the intensification of the Structural Adjustment Programme which has aggravated the poor economic conditions of the people causing impoverishment and desperation, thus becoming a major cause of many subsequent cases in the continent. The table below shows conflict-related fatalities in the world’s 15 deadliest countries in 2013, 2014 and 2015. 

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Rank Country Deaths Country Deaths Country Deaths 

1 Syria 73,449 Syria 76,021 Syria 55.219 2 Mexico 11,324 South Sudan 50,000 Afghanistan 36,345 3 Afghanistan 10,172 Iraq 24,000 Iraq 24,113 4 Iraq 9,742 Afghanistan 14,638 Nigeria 10,677 5 Sudan 6,816 Nigeria 11,360 Mexico 8,122 6 Pakistan 5,739 Mexico 7,504 Yemen 6,425 7 Nigeria 4,727 Pakistan 5,496 Pakistan 4,612 8 South 


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4,168 Ukraine 4,771 Ukraine 4,344 

9 Somalia 3,158 Somalia 4,447 Somalia 4,087 10 Central 

Africa Republic 

2,364 Sudan 3,892 South 



11 Republic of 

the Congo 

1,976 Central Africa 


3,347 Sudan 3,216 

12 India 884 Libya 2,825 Egypt 2,836 13 Mali 870 Israel/Palestine 2,365 Libya 2,706 14 Egypt 730 Yemen 1,500 Democratic 

Republic of the Congo 


15 Kenya 705 Cameron 1,366 Cameroon 1,429 16 Libya 643 Democratic 

Republic of the Congo 

1,235 Niger 986 

17 Yemen 600 Egypt 1,176 Myanmar 881 of ongoing armed conflicts. 

The Nature of Colonial Development 

In Pre-Colonial Africa, elders were the custodians of the extended family land. It was their responsibility to share the land to everyone in the extended family to farm so that nobody would go hungry. The traditional African subsistence economies provide sufficient diet for the African 

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communities. Africans had their own institutions that adequately took care of their daily needs. 

The Berlin Treaty of April 1885 practically partitioned Africa among Western European Power with the objective to conquer the continent. The imperial conquest of Africa was undertaken to tap African resources in order to help resolved the economic problems of Europe… Beneath the surface of Colonial political and administrative policies lay the unfolding process of capital penetration, (Freund, 1984: 111). In 1885, Jules Ferry referred to by Kwame Nkrumah as “the master of imperialistic logic”, as Premier in the Chamber of Deputies spelt out what he believed to be “the dominant reasons for the quest of colonies, (Offiong, 2001: 58). 

According to Ferry, the nations of Europe desire colonies for the following reasons: (i) in order that they may have access to raw materials from the colonies (ii) in order to have markets for sale of the manufactured goods of the home countries and (iii) as a field for the investment of surplus capital. In 1923 Albert Sarraut, Colonial Secretary of State for France, asked at the Ecole Colonale in Paris: What is the use of painting the truth? Colonization was not an act of civilization, was not a desire to civilize. It was an act of force motivated by interests. An episode in the vital competition which, from man to man, from group to group, has gone on ever-increasing; the people who set out for taking and making of colonies in distant continents are thinking primarily only of themselves, and are working only for their own power, and the conquering for their own profits. Albert Sarraut concluded by saying that “the origin of colonization is nothing else than enterprises of individual interests, a one-sided and egoistical imposition of the strong upon the weak;” these policy statement lay to rest the myth of the civilizing mission of Western Colonial Imperialism, the so-called “white man’s burden” and “manifest destiny” (Offiong, 2001: 58). 

The first two decades of the 20th century can be categorized as “the era of force, a period of raw and brutal intrusion by the developing Colonial States into the lives of Africans” (Freund, 1984: 114). Political dominations 

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were accomplished through the force of superior arms. The 1880s and 1890s were par excellence the era of imperialist wars against powerful kingdoms such as Buganda and Bunyoro, Asente and Dahomey, Benin and Yoruba States, the realms of Samori and the Mahdi, the states of the Hehe Ngoni of Kaze Mbe and Lobengula (Freund, 1984: 170). 

The Italians established effective Colonial rule in Somalia in the late 1920s, while the French fought until the 1930s to subdue the Mauritanians and Chandians. These imperialist wars disrupted the traditional economic activity of Africans and prepared the groundwork for contemporary poverty (Kornblum, 1998: 189). Kornblun however as right asserted when he that, during the 19th and early 20th centuries England, France, Germany, Portugal and the Netherlands “were engaged in fierce competition for Colonial dominance of Africa… millions of native people were exterminated” The Germans exterminated the heroes of South West Africa, today’s Nambibia (Offiong, 1976). ‘The introduction of Galling machine gun made it possible for small number of troops to slaughter thousands of tribal warriors” Kornblum, (1998: 189). 

The entire fabrics of the traditional order were disrupted and millions of lives ruined. This persistent “dismantlement of the pattern and structure of social life” were never “compensated” by any “corresponding gain in understanding advancement… they worked as unskilled laboruers beneath a colour bar of white enforcement. And this bar for long denied them access to any real participation in the new world of industry they were supposed to have entered” (Davidson, 1971: 42). In some cases conditions in the mines and plantations were worse than what slaves encountered. Slaves were bought with money and their owners were interested in their staying alive. But in the plantations and mines of Angola, Africans were not bought but hired from the state. His employer cared very little about his life, because if he sick and died all that is expected of his employer is to ask for another person (Davidson, 1971: 42). 

In West Africa, Sir Taubman Goldie received a royal charter and proclaimed a protectorate over a great part of the Niger Delta while the 

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imperial state assumed control of the rest of the country. The coastal middlemen who were active in the lucrative Niger Trade were forced into dependence upon the now renamed Chartered Royal Niger Company. Jaja of Opobo who attempted to organize plan oil shipment direct to Europe with the cooperation of rivals of the Royal Niger Company was betrayed and deported to Opobo in Southern Nigeria. Africans were discouraged from participating in the export trade and were charged more export fees than Europeans (Crowder, 1968). In the late 1930s United African Company (UAC), a British concern controlled well over 40% of Nigeria’s export- import trade, and in 1949 it monopolized 34% of commercial merchandise imports in the country, and bought, on behalf of the Nigerian Marketing Boards, 43% of all Nigeria non-mineral exports (Bauer, 1963). Various European Countries formed the Association of West African Merchants (AWAM) in the 1930s and through it made agreements and allocated export quotas. AWAM made it impossible for Africans to have a chance in the trading competition. By 1949 AWAM dominated 66% of all imports and almost 70% of the exports in Nigeria. They also controlled most retail and semi-wholesale trade all over the country including banking and shipping industries (Bauer, 1963). 

In 1939 the British Colonial Administration established a monopoly over the purchase, export and marketing of all West African Agricultural products and the large expatriate firms were the beneficiaries of that official monopoly. The banks, which were exclusively in the hands of expatriates, denied credits and loans to Africans, one wonders if those who claim that African lack n-Achievement or the drive to succeed ever bothered to consider these facts (Offiong, 2001: 63). 

Ethnic Politics and Self Preservation 

The end of Colonialism in 1960s, Africans did not bring peace and cooperation between ethnic groups and nations, as the tendency was (and still is) to trust only those of their blood. As observed by (Stone 1985), modernity has the tendency to promote people, awareness of their racial 

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and ethnic identity instead of fostering assimilation. This situation has the potential for intensified conflict because of what Robert Melson refers to as communalism, competition for the rewards of modernization. This situation arises, (Stone, 1985: 88) because advances in transport and communications, core elements in modernization, increased the awareness of various minority groups of their distinct cultural ethnic identity and the threat posed to its survival by the closer integration of the state. It follows that efforts by a society to try and integrate minorities into a single political entity controlled by a dominant group is bound to be difficult. These were and continue to be the experience of many African countries, and ethnic differences have been compounded by religious differences. 

We may recall that Colonial boundaries never took cognizance of ethnic boundaries, so several antagonistic groups were lumped together. The result of this was a plural society, that is, a society with large ethnic groups living under the same political, economic and social system while remaining culturally distinct. Colonial imperialism never tried to integrate those ethnic and cultural groups. If anything, Colonial administrators employed the divide and rule policy in order to maintain their hegemony over the people. This type of political system was bound to be unstable because there existed no common social bond linking the diverse ethnic groups. This may account for the accelerated ethnic conflicts in Africa shortly after the departure of the imperialist powers. This may also account for the politics of self-preservation; an attempt to make sure that one is in control of power, no matter what, (Offiong, 2001: 130). 

In view of the present crusade against corruption in Nigerian, the Nigerian’s security agency on 8/9 October 2016 raided the homes of senior judges suspected of corruption and seized the sum of $800,000 (E645,200) in cash and multiple international passports which were against the Nigerian Immigration Law. 

In June 2015, six top officials of the Central Bank of Nigerian and sixteen other employees of Commercial Banks were arrested by the anti- graft agency, EFCC over 8 billion naira currency scam. In a similar vein, the 

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present administration in June 2015 ordered the EFCC to reopen the $182m Halliburton Bribery case following a request by the government of the United State. The U.S government agreed that about $140m recorded by the government would be repatriated to Nigeria if those involved in the scanned are arrested and prosecuted. 

The $2 billion arms deal was exposed following the interim report of President Buhari’s arms procurement under the Goodluck Jonathan administration. The committee report showed an extra-budgetary spending to the tune of N63.8 billion and an additional spending of about $2.2 billion in the foreign currency component under the Goodluck Jonathan’s watch. Preliminary investigation suggested that about $2 billion may have been disbursed for the procurement of arms to fight against Islamic insurgency in Nigeria. The investigative report indicated that a total sum of $2.2 billion was inexplicably disbursed to the office of the National Security Adviser for the procurement of arms to fight against insurgency, but was not spent for the purpose for which the money was disbursed. Investigations on this illegal deal led to the arrest of Sambo Dasuki, the former National Security Adviser who consequently implicated prominent Nigerians who were involved in the deal. Those that were mentioned and arrested include Raymond Dokpesi, the Chair emeritus of DAAR Communications Plc, Attahiru Bafarawa, the former Governor of Sokoto State, and Bashir Yuguda, the former Minster of State for Finance, Azubuike Ihejirika, the Chief of Army Staff, Adesola Nunayon Amosu, the former Chief of Air Staff, Alex Badeh and several other politicians were mentioned. https://en.wikipedia.ord/wiki/Buhari’s anti-corruption war. 

According to the Nation News, EFCC arraigns Justice Rita Ofili Ajumogobia and Godwin Obla (SAN) to Federal High Court Lagos for alleged corruptions and Bribery. The EFCC charged Obla for paying the sum of N5,000,000 to Justice Ajumogobia as well as justice Ajumogobia for receiving the sum of N5,000,000 to influence a case under Justice Ajumogobia’s Jurisdiction (the Nation 29th November, 2016). These incidences could lead to conflict because fund meant for development are 

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diverted to personal gain as against the will of the masses who suffer depravation of social amenities. 

Summary and Conclusion 

This paper, have tried to explain the dynamics of intrastate conflicts in Africa and have also examined the impact of globalization, a complex social phenomenon on various aspects of society, social, economic and political contexts including social welfare and how this relations became a causative factor in the many conflicts in Africa. We strongly argue that the economic stabilization policy of structural adjustment in which the current phase of globalization is base, significantly undermine and limit the capacity of the state to provide social welfare support for the people. As a result of these reform policies, the fragile social, political and economic order in Africa has been undermined, impoverishing the people, creating hunger, disease, desperation and tension. This has also affected the liberal democratic political process, the activism of civil society and gender equality groups among others have all contributed to the growing incidences of conflicts on the continents. 

Concluding Remarks 

In conclusion, this paper notes that conflict has affected the socio- economic transformation of African societies and calls for attitudinal change that will facilitate the growth of socio-economic resources predominantly in the region. However, it also identify measures towards rebuilding state institutions in Africa based on the roles it play in sustaining and maintaining peace and orderliness in the continent. The paper suggested that the countries in Africa should adopt the following measures to reduce conflict. Peace and conflict Studies: Ministry of education should inculcate peace and conflict studies in primary and secondary schools, curriculum as this will expose the consequence of conflict and the need for peaceful co- 

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existence among neighbours, ethnic groups, regions and other social groups at the tender stage. Entrepreneurship Education: Ememe (2009) defined entrepreneur as a person who incubates, who puts new form on the feet, overcomes risks and uncertainty of using economic resources in a new direction as well as possesses the right motivation, energy and ability to build something by his or her effort. Meredith, in has it that an entrepreneur is a person who has the ability to recognize and evaluate business opportunities, gather the necessary resources to make better and necessary needed action to ensure success. 

Entrepreneurial education will facilitate self-reliance among the youths, our educational system should as a matter of necessity inculcate entrepreneurial education in curricula from primary, secondary and tertiary education and this process will equip the individuals to establish their own choice of business after graduation at any level of education. The university of port Harcourt has set the pace by establishing the Centre for Entrepreneurial Studies; (CES) other institutions should emulate this policy. Cultural Values: Identifying culture as a veritable tool for integration and peace building will facilitate socio-economic transformation in African State. Horowitz has analysed the socio-cultural factors that control or impact on economic growth and development. He argues that a social behaviour oriented towards ascription, particularism and functional diffuseness are inimical to development, he recommends therefore, that for underdeveloped societies to make advances, these social and cultural values must be changed to those oriented towards achievement, universalism and functional specificity. 

The National Orientation Agency should be establish in all the area councils, states and the country at large in African Continent, the agency should also ensure the integration of culture in curricula of education at all levels to promote value system. The Media, Faith Base Organizations should intently effort towards producing programmes that will strengthen 

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our value system rather than promoting foreign culture that effect society negatively. 

The African Union Policy: The African Union has a critical role to play in maintenance of peace and mediation among African States, as the highest institution in African political contexts, the policy framework should focus on intensify measure towards peaceful co-existence among the citizenry, these could be done through the exchange of policies and programmes that have direct impact on development of infrastructures and institutions or agencies that will ensure the maintaining of these infrastructures for the benefit of the populace, the problem facing most Africa States has being the maintenance of existing infrastructure including the institutions that will ensure the continuity. African States should adopt policies that are environmental and cultural friendly to our people rather than importing policies that are strange to our understanding. 

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